Autoworkers of the World Unite in India

The latest International Autoworkers Conference (IAC) took place in Pune, India, from November 20 to November 24, 2025. This was the third IAC; the first took place in Germany in 2015, and the second in South Africa in 2020. Martha Grevatt talks with conference delegates from Brazil, Germany, and the U.S. about the shared struggles that autoworkers are engaged in internationally, the state of the industry, the upcoming International Day of Action for Stellantis workers, and the meaning of class struggle unionism.

Featured image credit: International Automotive Workers Coordination.

The International Autoworkers Conference (IAC) grew out of meetings begun by autoworkers in Germany beginning in 1998. By 2009 the conferences had started to involve international guests. In 2015 the participants voted to transition from the conference format into what we would call conventions, with voting delegates from each represented country.

Organized over five days, the conference incorporated country program reports, delegates’ meetings, thematic forums, group/corporate forums, nightly cultural programs, a public rally, and Indian lunch fare.

On January 4, Martha Grevatt of Daily Struggle interviewed two conference delegates on Zoom, Fritz Hoffmann from Germany and Frank Hammer from the U.S., both now retired. Hoffmann worked in Germany for all three Detroit auto companies, first Ford, then General Motors, and finally Stellantis. Hammer, a founding member of UAWD, worked at a GM Powertrain plant in Metro Detroit (now closed, with some of the work having been shifted to Mexico), serving as shop chair and president of UAW Local 909 in Warren, MI. Martha also interviewed Luis “Mancha” Carlos, who works at the GM plant in São José dos Campos, Brazil, via email.

The next IAC will be in 2030, most likely in Brazil.

Martha: Say a little bit about the International Autoworkers Conference.

Fritz: Over the years, we started to agree on a Charter of Solidarity, where we decided to promise each other no actions against a strike, to accept no production against strikes, [no] strike-breaking, and to organize solidarity for every fight, and some years later, we started to organize an international newsletter—for example, for Stellantis and General Motors. We have today 29 international newsletters to inform anyone who is included in this conference.

Martha: Can you give us a summary of who was at this year’s conference, and what struggles they’re involved in?

Mancha: The conference held in Pune, one of the centers of the Indian automotive industry, brought together about 200 people from various states of the country and delegates and participants from Germany, South Africa, Nepal, Congo, Tunisia, Brazil, Russia, Italy, the United States, Venezuela, Belarus, Mexico, and Kenya. There were external participants from Colombia, Mexico, and Argentina, along with reports and greetings from France, Türkiye, Spain, and China.

Represented were the struggles against the precariousness of rights and wages that are taking place in Brazil, the United States, and Europe, among other places. I work at General Motors in Brazil, at the São José dos Campos plant that produces the S10 truck engines and transmissions. The main problem we face in the workplace is the pressure exerted by the company to increase competitiveness and lower wages. Newer employees receive lower salaries. There’s also a very demanding work pace that makes workers sick, and management constantly wants to increase working hours. Furthermore, they heavily pressure unions. These problems are common in various automotive plants. They are the result of a fierce restructuring promoted by companies to increase their profits.

Fritz: In Pune, it was very complicated, because the government of India is led by a fascist, Modi. The main progress was that the Indian trade union movement and working-class movement was very largely included. There were two major trade union congresses there, the All India Trade Union Congress and Shramik Ekta Mahasangh (Labor Unity Federation). And there were many delegates from important factories from the whole region—for example, Škoda, Bosch, Mercedes, Toyota, Mahindra, Suzuki, Tata, and Bajaj. So we can say the core of the Indian autoworkers’ movement was included—not everyone, not even every trade unionist, but representatives of the major companies and trade unions. 

This was very important for the movement, and the struggles they are involved in were actually, in this situation, the struggle against the reactionary labor law of the Modi government, which is very restrictive of strikes and of workers’ rights. So, there were the first rallies against this labor law, and we witnessed a general strike in India against these labor laws. In November 2025, hundreds of thousands of workers and farmers across India held widespread strikes and protests, peaking on November 26, to oppose the government’s unilateral implementation of four new labor codes. 

Moreover, there were delegates from Brazil, where they were involved in many strikes against dismissals at General Motors one year ago. In Italy, there are major struggles—for example, against the government of the fascist Prime Minister [Giorgia Meloni], which is very similar to the Indian situation. And in Italy there is a special movement for Gaza, a movement of solidarity with the Palestinian struggle. And we had delegates from Venezuela, and we spoke to them about fighting against U.S. aggression and against fascism. And we promised to support them when there’s an attack from the United States. We could see that it could come, and we had a resolution in favor of the Venezuelan people, and we will fulfill our task.

Frank: Let me add, just for clarification, the threat of fascism in Venezuela, of course, is from the opposition. There are many media circles that tried to describe Maduro’s government as a dictatorship and so on, so it’s important to clarify that the fear is of the so-called opposition from the right, which is engaging in its own tactics against the Maduro government with the support of the U.S.

Fritz: We heard about this fascist, so-called opposition. The [Venezuelan] delegate—we had a meeting with him—he told us that they are burning people in the streets with petrol. This is the face of fascism, with the Nobel Peace Prize winner at the head.

Frank: Yeah, and if I may just add a note here, from my perspective, what was really extraordinary was the degree of collaboration between the Indian trade unionists and the organizers of the IAC. It was a first for the Indians to sponsor such an international conference, and the degree of collaboration and solidarity was, in my observation, really, really high, and will be very valuable going forward.

Martha: When was your first International Autoworker conference, and what other ones have you attended?

Frank: The first one that I attended was in October of 2009. Previous conferences had already been happening since 1998. So, we’ve had the reuniting of autoworkers from around the world going on for nearly three decades. I think it’s extraordinary.

Fritz: We called them councils when it was starting in Germany. I attended  seven of these councils, and now three international conferences, so, if we include both, I have attended all ten.

Mancha: This is not the first time I have participated in a conference of automotive workers. Others have already been held in Germany and South Africa; they are important instruments for exchanging information and preparing for solidarity and struggles. Large multinational companies are undergoing strong restructuring, and despite competing with each other, they are united in increasing the exploitation of workers and guaranteeing their profits. We need international solidarity.

Martha: What was the assessment at the conference of how workers can take control of the EV transition and of things affecting international production issues, like tariffs, etc.?

Fritz: The direct answer is, I don’t think that workers can really take control of production in capitalism. What they have to do is put pressure on the companies. So, for the EV transition—this is a struggle also over the mode of thinking of the workers, because in Germany, which is maybe similar to the United States, I don’t know exactly, but in Germany we have the fascists and right-wing parties who make propaganda against the EV transition. They want to keep the combustion engines and destroy our environment. So, it’s a struggle over the mode of thinking of workers. 

The fascists tell them, “Let’s keep the combustion engines so we have no problem with our jobs.” And there are some workers who believe it. It sounds so simple. But it’s not simple. It’s a catastrophe. But it sounds simple: just support the fascist groups and right-wing parties, and you don’t have to struggle for your jobs. The assessment at the conference was that we need to demand shorter working time, political rights, democratic rights… We have a program of struggle already in South Africa now. It’s enlarged to combine the economic struggle with the struggle against war, fascism, and destruction of the environment. This is the main outcome of the conference, together with the promise that no single struggle for these demands will stand alone.

Mancha: We have observed that companies are competing with each other to see who is first in the transition to electric vehicles. They make investments but do not take into account the demands of workers; the result is almost always job losses, company closures, and layoffs, as reported at the conference. We are in favor of protecting the environment, but we cannot allow the transition to be made at the expense of our jobs. Multinational companies are more concerned with guaranteeing shareholder profits in new businesses. Workers have the right to demand transparency and planning of investments from companies, as well as the protection of jobs and rights.

Frank: Yeah, and let me add, I think that was a hallmark of the [conference]. For a decade, and certainly this past year, the conference has taken an unequivocal stand on the question of the relationship between autoworkers and the environment. And it stakes out the position that we have to move to make this transition, which is not a done deal. There’s no agreement among the capitalist class that there will be a transition. In fact, all three [U.S.] auto companies have been retrograde and are reverting back to promoting internal combustion engines.

The conference staked out a position that autoworkers have to fight against capitalists wanting to maintain oil extraction and internal combustion engines, and this was not even in the capitalists’ interest, certainly in the U.S. and other parts of the world that are doing this. They’re eventually not going to be able to be competitive in the markets that will ramp up cars using renewable energy. So, I think that was a very salient feature of the conference. It’s easy to say at a conference. It’s much more difficult to translate programmatically. How are we going to go about forcing the companies that employ us to rapidly escalate the use of renewable technologies? Mention was made at the conference as well of reverting to or advancing mass transit systems, as opposed to personal automobiles.

Martha: Besides taking a principled position on the environment, what positions were taken at the conference, and what actions came out of the conference?

Frank: In terms of the way the conference functions, we did collectively agree on a resolution summing up the debate and discussion. Fritz has gone over some of that. There were additional positions taken and resolutions passed. I can elucidate some of those. First and foremost, with the imminence of U.S. actions in Venezuela, was standing by Venezuela and standing in defense of Venezuela against U.S. imperial machinations. As we were meeting, the Indian government under the fascist Modi was passing new and very reactionary labor laws. And—I think it was the day after our conference ended—there were demonstrations in India, and I think there’s another general strike coming up in February.

We took a position in support of the Indian working class and against these new laws that, for example, require workers to get permission from their employers if they should decide to engage in a strike. The other resolution that united the conference was in support of the Palestinian people and against the genocide in Gaza. And in fact we had a very spirited rally in downtown Pune where many of the delegates demonstrated in support of the Indian workers, but also in support of the Palestinian people and against the genocide. And then there were some specific resolutions regarding Brazilian workers, including one group of Brazilian workers who have been out on strike for three years, and another condemning the massacre carried out recently by the police in Rio de Janeiro. 

Then there were some that the conference agreed to that I personally submitted. One was for autoworkers internationally to commemorate May Day, and to do it as autoworkers globally. The other resolution was in support of ASOTRECOL. The IAC has been a long-time supporter of ASOTRECOL, going back years. On two occasions the representative of ASOTRECOL, Jorge Parra, has been at the conference and has represented his struggle and been welcomed with open arms by the delegates. And were it not for a UAW delegation, the first of its kind, that went to Bogota at the same time as the conference, Jorge and our other comrade, Paige Shell-Spurling, would have been there this year. But in his absence we passed a resolution to continue to lend support to ASOTRECOL in this struggle and have a united front with organizations like the UAW and IndustriALL, who are finally engaging in the struggle and supporting it.

Mancha: The conference assessed that there is a crisis situation and that workers need to unite internationally, that we cannot fall for the blackmail of monopolies and divide ourselves, with workers accepting a reduction in their rights to supposedly benefit companies; and that in addition to facing restructuring in companies, we are experiencing a climate crisis, wars, and fascist and far-right threats. Workers in the automotive sector must also intervene in these struggles. No struggle should be left alone. Solidarity among all workers, reducing the work week to 30 hours without a reduction in wages—these were the main approved demands. On May 1st, 2026, workers should hold a day of action.

Martha: How has the conference advanced global, working-class solidarity among autoworkers from different countries?

Mancha: The conference was an important moment for the workers present, as we forged a pact of unity and solidarity among our struggles. We held meetings between the different consortia and committed ourselves to acts of solidarity and struggle. We will continue to meet; no struggle will be isolated. Solidarity always. We also support the struggle of the Palestinian people, and we expressed our opposition to any intervention in Venezuela, stating that it is the people who must decide their own destiny.

Fritz: Let me start with a special part of the conference where there were meetings of the company delegates. So we had meetings of Mercedes, Stellantis, General Motors, Bosch, Volkswagen, and Ford workers. Tesla workers were also present. We had to meet in special rooms, because the conference hall was full of cameras and microphones. It was a hall built by the government of India. So we could not speak openly, but the outcome was that all of these groups [of workers] came out of the meetings with stronger coordinating bodies. Until the [most recent] conference, we had only one coordination [of Stellantis and General Motors combined]; now we have two. And all of these coordinating bodies have been strengthened by new delegates, like from Italy. Especially in the Stellantis coordination we witnessed a strong voice from France. They sent us a resolution from the trade union CGT, which is the strongest union in the car industry, for all the largest plants in France—I think it’s eight or nine plants—expressing their full support of the conference and the proposed International [Stellantis] Day of Action. I will speak about the day of action later, but this was one very important outcome of this forum.

Frank: I would add that all the discussions that took place helped to align our analysis and our worldviews and our perspectives on the tasks and the struggle that autoworkers face around the world. And to be able to participate in a space with brothers and sisters from 11 countries, with simultaneous translation going on, and engaging in discussion and debate—I think that that experience for everybody that was involved really heightened our sense of the possibilities of what we can do collectively as autoworkers, even though we’re located geographically in very different parts of the world. I think it was extraordinary to be meeting, for example, with trade union representatives from Nepal, and likewise from Russia, and to exchange experiences and ideas about how we go forward—it was exceptional.

Martha: What does class struggle unionism mean to you?

Frank: So, this has been a subject of a lot of discussion among U.S. auto workers specifically, and UAWD, and I did try to put together some of my thoughts, and here’s what I said: In this period of advanced capitalism, imperialism, and a world automotive industry in crisis, class struggle unionism must clearly and unequivocally be rooted in the fight against imperialism and neocolonialism, especially by workers in the imperialist countries in solidarity with workers in the dominated countries. Class struggle unionism views the struggle by any group of workers or unions as part and parcel of our broader working-class movement. Ultimately, class struggle unionism strives to build unity between the working class and the oppressed peoples for a united fight against capitalism, including oppressed nationalities and genders. Class struggle unionism lifts the workers to view their struggle as workers as part of a broader movement for liberation and sees the working class not just in itself, but for itself.

Fritz: It’s a little bit complicated, but a good question. Let me begin with, in my opinion, [what] class struggle unionism is not. I remember the Labor Notes conference, which was very much focused on economic questions and shop-floor questions, which is useful, but they did not include class struggle. There was not a single workshop on the danger of fascism, for example, though there were some about Palestine. But I support the idea of class struggle unionism in the sense that economic and political struggles must be united. So, in this sense, unions and unionists have to join the class struggle and build class consciousness. But in my opinion, we may not think that unions can be at the head of class struggle. There must be political, revolutionary workers’ parties to lead the class struggle to its end, to the real anti-capitalist revolution. In this sense, unions and unionists have to join the class struggle, have to be a part of it.

Mancha: Practicing a class-based and decisive unionism for the workers means, first and foremost, believing in one’s own strength, without any trust in bosses or governments. We cannot believe that partnering with bosses will improve the lives of workers; on the contrary, only democratically organized struggle can increase class consciousness and bring results. We live in a capitalist society in crisis. The small gains we achieve through struggle can be taken away later. Wealth and technological advancement do not benefit the majority of the population. 

While a few billionaires get richer, the misery of the people grows. Heat and cold waves are harming the planet, which is becoming uninhabitable because of this system. Therefore, unions cannot only focus on immediate demands; class-based unionism fights with a perspective of overcoming this society, for another [society], without exploitation, a socialist society. Uniting our class is essential: the system uses oppression to divide workers; xenophobia, sexism, racism, homophobia, etc., serve the interests of employers. Class-based unionism seeks to unite workers and popular movements in the fight against oppression.

Martha: Say more about the day of action against Stellantis.

Fritz: We are preparing the International Day of Action for Stellantis workers. Its focus is in Europe now, but it’s intended to include workers in the United States, Brazilian workers, and all of the Indian and South African workers, because Stellantis is a worldwide company, and it is attacking workers everywhere. They have closed the plant, for example, in Belvidere, near Chicago. They are now reopening it, but at the expense of Canadian workers who will lose their jobs. They are shifting all the investments to the United States and to Brazil, building combustion engines, and in Europe, they did not really announce it publicly, but they tried to close several plants, maybe six or seven. 

So, the situation is different between the United States and Europe but similar in most parts of Europe. The [company’s] promise to invest in the United States is not a guarantee of secure jobs. We learned that it’s better to join internationally the struggle against Stellantis than to hope for secure jobs from investments. So what we are preparing is a Day of Action at the end of March. The proposed date is the 24th of March. We have meetings, starting with French, Italian, and Spanish representatives of trade unions with the German trade unionists. And we are planning a trip through Italy, because Italian plants are the most endangered. There are five in Italy alone which are threatened to be closed. So we’ll make a trip to Italy in February to prepare for the Day of Action, and to have close connections with the workers in Italy. We have very good connections in France to all of the plants, and also in Germany. So we’ll start a call for this International Day of Action, hopefully by the end of February, to bring it to the workers in all the plants, in Brazil, in the United States and maybe South Africa, as well as in Europe. That’s the plan.

Martha: Do you have any plans for Canada?

Fritz: I didn’t mention Canada. Well, yes, of course. It’s the factory of Brampton in Ontario, I think, which is threatened also, and we do not yet have direct contact, but we are working on it.

Martha: Did you want to add anything, Frank?

Frank: So, this is where the rubber hits the road, I guess. [About] 2-3 weeks [ago], I think, I saw a video that was posted online from the brother that is in charge of Stellantis affairs for the UAW. And he was sitting there with some of the representatives from the various plants. And he was going through a list of the new work that was being assigned now, for example, to the Warren Truck Plant, to the Belvidere plant, and there was another plant, I forget which one. And with each instance he very, very specifically said it had to do with the result of UAW negotiations and targeted tariffs. So there was a really pronounced emphasis that tariffs are the way to save jobs and no cognizance, no mention of, no broader perspective on what’s happening with Stellantis workers internationally. 

I could easily imagine, because of the structure of things, that a union representative, for example, like Shawn Fain, would say that he doesn’t have any obligation to workers overseas because he was not elected to represent them, that he has an obligation to represent the interests of autoworkers in the UAW because those are the people he was elected by. And if you rely on that kind of thinking—you know, in the U.S., we use the term whipsawing, for example, one local plant is whipsawed against the other as to which can come up with the most competitive terms that would make the employers happier—and taking that kind of thinking, that, “well, we only represent U.S. workers,” is falling into that same trap of pitting workers in one country against the workers of another country, and we have to break out of that and recognize that we are all, internationally, autoworkers working for the same employers. Therefore, it’s the role of the UAW leadership in this case to champion that and educate that we are going to be falling into a trap if we don’t see beyond our borders and see solidarity in this international framework.

Martha: Is there anything either of you want to add?

Fritz: Of course, we will also speak with [the UAW Director of International Affairs] Kristyne Peter, but we rely more on the workers on the shop floor, like in Toledo, in Kokomo and Warren and Sterling Heights. We have to reach out to these workers as far as we can to speak with them. That’s what we do in Europe and in every country, and this is the main way to change the world.

Frank: Yeah, I want to add, in the spirit of [centering voices from the Global South], what really needs to be emphasized is that the IAC could very conveniently continue to have its conferences in Germany. It’s very easy to do, or easier anyway. All the organizational structure is in place, and so on. But what I find most significant about the IAC is that it said, “This is not the way that we’re going to reach out to workers in the Global South. We have to go to the Global South and make all the material changes that’s required to make that happen, to really get the voices of the workers in the Global South.”

Martha: I have one last question. Did you have any positions on tariffs that came out of the conference, or just general recognition that they’re divisive, that they’re not in the spirit of internationalism?

Frank: I think the simple answer is there was no specific resolution opposing tariffs as a means of saving jobs and so on. The tariff question is very pronounced because of Donald Trump’s actions to impose tariffs on countries in an extremely arbitrary manner, of course. But—correct me if I’m wrong—we didn’t specifically have a workshop about tariffs.

Fritz: Not specifically, but it was included in the workshop on trade union rights. And it was a clarification that this tariff war is a kind of economic war in preparation of military war. It’s a war against not only the other capitalists, but also against workers.